脚踩西瓜皮的经济政策
2014-10-13 01:34阅读:
China’s economic policy follows a random path
Financial Times, 13 Oct. 2014,
Joe Zhang, 英国《金融时报》, 张化桥 2014-10-13
咱们中国人是得过且过的高手:
(1) 汇率政策:
脚踩西瓜皮60多年;
前面的50年, 人民币被严重高估, 黑市猖獗,
政府死撑;
后面10年,
政府依然死撑;
(2) 燃油税: 大家还记得吗?
(3)
中国人宁可搞危险的南水北调,
也不愿意大幅提高水价;
(4) 房地产税:
还有下文吗?
China's approach to foreign exchange, like many of the decisions of
the country's public authorities, could best be described as a
banana-skin policy. That is to say: the government has no policy.
It simply keeps doing the same thing for as long as possible, until
it slips, suffers a nasty bruise, picks itself up and tries
something else.
In the early 1980s, a US dollar bought you two renminbi. That was
the fixed rate in the official market, anyway; the
Chinese
currency traded at about five to the dollar in the black
market. Since then, Beijing has been forced by the black market to
adapt, whenever the official rate falls out of line with the
underground exchanges.
To maintain an overvalued exchange rate, China in the mid-1980s
introduced a foreign exchange certificate to ration foreign
currency. Only approved users would receive a ration. But FECs
quickly took on a life of their own; unofficial trading of the
certificate boomed. Black market prices fluctuated between
60 and 80 per cent of the official exchange rate. Even at
the central bank, where I was working at the time, staff members
had to go to the black market to buy dollars to pay tuition fees at
foreign universities.
A black market for foreign exchange had existed ever since the
1950s. It only dried up in the mid-1990s, when the central bank
drastically reduced the official value of the renminbi. Following
that, FECs became worthless and the central bank stopped issuing
them in 1995.
That Beijing had maintained an overvalued renminbi for half a
century may come as a surprise to westerners who have grown
accustomed to grumbling that an undervalued currency gives Chinese
manufacturers an unfair advantage. Was the central bank
deliberately punishing its own exporters and rewarding foreign
businesses? That might have been the outcome but clearly it was not
China's intention.
The Chinese are masters of muddling through. They are firmly
attached to the status quo, whatever that happens to be. Anyone
accusing China of currency manipulation in the past decade is
ignorant of the five that went before it. The renminbi now trades
30 per cent higher than its 1994 level. This did not happen by
choice. It just happened.
This is not the only instance in which Chinese policy has followed
a random path. A little over a decade ago, Beijing became
alarmed
about air pollution and the country’s dependence on
imported oil. So it tried to introduce a fuel tax to discourage oil
consumption. It was quietly withdrawn after noises were made about
the levy’s impact on farm tractors, as well as general industry.
Since then, no one has talked about the tax, although oil imports
have kept rising and air pollution has worsened.
When a
real estate crisis took hold three years ago,
China experimented with a property tax in Chongqing and Shanghai.
It was clear from the start that such a measure would test the
government’s political will and administrative sophistication. Sure
enough, the fanfare gave way to quiet forgetfulness.
For decades,
water
shortages have been growing challenges for China. But
throughout that time water has been more or less free, and few
people can conceive of having to pay for supplies. Politicians
would rather undertake
dangerous projects such as building
river dams and south-to-north diversion pipelines than increase
water tariffs. Clearly, true leadership and extraordinary statesmen
are needed
if such shortsightedness is to be overcome.
Since 1978,
China's economy has indeed grown
dramatically, but its governance remains just as
unsophisticated as before. Given the mounting challenges,
banana-skin policies can only result in more painful
slip-ups.
The writer is author of ‘Party Man, Company Man: Is China's
State Capitalism Doomed?’